nav emailalert searchbtn searchbox tablepage yinyongbenwen piczone journalimg journalInfo journalinfonormal searchdiv searchzone qikanlogo popupnotification paper paperNew
2025, 03, No.192 36-44
西汉武昭宣时期以“威德”事四夷策略的变迁和继承
基金项目(Foundation): 国家社会科学基金重点项目“清朝经营西北边疆之成败得失研究”(20AFX006)
邮箱(Email):
DOI: 10.14134/j.cnki.cn33-1337/c.2025.03.004
摘要:

在早期文献中,“威德”被视为君主素养的一体两面。但秦始皇将自己以“武威”暴力兼并天下的行为粉饰为“威德”,由此遭到了主张和平怀徕四夷的儒生批评。汉武帝重视以“威德”事四夷,“威德”事实上兼具了武力征伐与和平招徕的双重含义,并在形式上复归了早期文献中的“威德并行”。鉴于汉武帝事征四夷耗损国力的事实,后继者霍光只得低调践行汉武帝的“威德”策略。直到汉宣帝时,汉廷才正式肯定了汉武帝以“威德”事四夷,“威德”逐渐成为汉代对外事务取得成效的标准表述,也对历代边疆政策与制度产生了深远影响。“威德”内涵的变迁,展示了汉廷在边疆治理中平衡武力手段与以文德怀远的努力,以及传统政治概念与现实需求的互动过程。

Abstract:

In early Chinese literature' “Prestige and Virtue” was regarded as the dual aspects of a ruler's qualities. Qin Shi Huang portrayed his violent unification of the world as “Martial Prestige”' disguising it as “Prestige and Virtue”' which drew criticism from Confucian scholars who argued that “Prestige and Virtue” had nothing to do with military force but referred solely to pacifying and attracting the Four Barbarians through peaceful means. During Emperor Wu of Han's reign' “Prestige and Virtue” acquired a dual meaning' encompassing both military conquest and peaceful appeasement' thus formally reverting to the concept of “employing both prestige and virtue”. However' given the immense strain on state resources caused by Emperor Wu's military campaigns against the Four Barbarians' Huo Guang adopted a low-key approach in implementing Emperor Wu's“Prestige and Virtue” strategy in frontier governance. It was not until Emperor Xuan's reign that Emperor Wu's policy of “Prestige and Virtue” towards the Four Barbarians received official endorsement. Gradually' “Prestige and Virtue” became the standard expression for successful foreign relations in the Han Dynasty' exerting a profound and lasting influence on the frontier policies and institutions of successive Chinese dynasties. The evolution of “Prestige and Virtue” reflects the Han court's efforts to balance military force with civil governance in frontier administration' as well as the dynamic interplay between traditional political concepts and practical governance needs.

参考文献

[1]司马迁.史记[M].北京:中华书局,1959.

[2]班固.汉书[M].北京:中华书局,2012.

[3]市村瓒次郎.东洋史统[M].东京:富山房,1944:443-445.

[4]田余庆.秦汉魏晋史探微[M].重订本.北京:中华书局,2004:30-62.

[5]劳榦.古代中国的历史与文化[M].北京:中华书局,2006.

[6]辛德勇.汉武帝晚年政治取向与司马光的重构[J].清华大学学报(哲学社会科学版),2014(6):5-50.

[7]林剑鸣.秦汉史[M].上海:上海人民出版社,2003:449-450.

[8]陈苏镇.《春秋》与“汉道”——两汉政治与政治文化研究[M].北京:中华书局,2011:289-297.

[9]孙闻博.轮台诏与武帝的西域经营[J].西域研究,2021(1):37-48.

[10]安子毓.汉武帝晚年政治取向转折辨疑[J].中国社会科学院大学学报,2024(7):61-84.

[11]袁宝龙.西汉中后期边疆治理范式的转型与重构[J].南海学刊,2024(10):58-71.

[12]黎翔凤.管子校注(全三册)[M].梁运华,整理.北京:中华书局,2004.

[13]许慎.说文解字注[M].段玉裁,注.上海:上海古籍出版社,1981:615.

[14]巴晓津.“威德”与秦之兴亡[J].天津师范大学学报(社会科学版),2013(5):50-56.

[15]程树德.论语集释[M].北京:中华书局,2013.

[16]贾谊.新书校注[M].阎振益,钟夏,校注.北京:中华书局,2000.

[17]刘师培.贾子新书斠补[M].赵铭箴,郑裕孚,校.刻本.武宁:[出版者不详],1934:11-12.

[18]王一义.“远德”观与武帝前汉廷的边疆政制[J].浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版),2024(8):149-160.

[19]张烈.评盐铁会议[J].历史研究,1977(6):71-82.

[20]恒宽.盐铁论校注[M].定本.王利器,校注.北京:中华书局,1992.

[21]劳榦.居延汉简(考释之部)[M].台北:中研院历史语言研究所,1960:5.

[22]司马光.资治通鉴[M].北京:中华书局,1956:773.

[23]蔡亮.巫蛊之祸与儒生帝国的兴起[M].付强,译.北京:北京师范大学出版社,2020:215.

[24]应劭.风俗通义校注[M].王利器,校注.北京:中华书局,1981:98.

[25]刘向.说苑校证[M].向宗鲁,校证.北京:中华书局,1987.

[26]刘向.说苑[M].王天海,杨秀岚,译注.北京:中华书局,2019:10.

[27]张天泽.中葡早期通商史[M].姚楠,钱江,译.香港:中华书局(香港分局),1988:110.

(1)考虑到汉惠帝及吕后执政的特殊情况,汉文帝不对汉惠帝、吕后做功业的总结是可以理解的。

(2)桑弘羊在盐铁会议上其实也表明了应当公开肯定汉武帝功业的态度。桑弘羊最后参与刘旦的谋反行动,与二者在政策风格上的诉求一致恐怕不无关系。

(3)如所周知,汉宣帝的即位很有戏剧性。汉昭帝死后,霍光扶持刘贺践祚,但仅仅27天后,刘贺被废。霍光不得已将目光转向了戾太子的血脉。尽管汉宣帝继位在血缘上是合乎情理的,但他祖父戾太子因巫蛊之案自杀身亡,使得戾太子一脉中断了皇位继承的可能性。因此,汉宣帝即位后公开肯定曾祖父汉武帝的功业,应该也是为了唤起人们对自己血脉纯正、继统合法的认可。

基本信息:

DOI:10.14134/j.cnki.cn33-1337/c.2025.03.004

中图分类号:K234.1;D691

引用信息:

[1]王一义.西汉武昭宣时期以“威德”事四夷策略的变迁和继承[J].浙江工商大学学报,2025,No.192(03):36-44.DOI:10.14134/j.cnki.cn33-1337/c.2025.03.004.

基金信息:

国家社会科学基金重点项目“清朝经营西北边疆之成败得失研究”(20AFX006)

检 索 高级检索

引用

GB/T 7714-2015 格式引文
MLA格式引文
APA格式引文